
Reported judgment
R v Lamin, 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346
R v Lamin is a reported judgment from Sierra Leone in 1964-66. Cite it as 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346. Search it by the party names, the citation 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346, or Sierra Leone reported judgment.
Sierra Leone — African Law ReportsPDF · 391 KB1964-66 ALR S.L. 346Reported judgment
SIERRA LEONE — AFRICAN LAW REPORTS
R
v.
Lamin
1964-66 ALR S.L. 346
Proceeding. Reported judgment. Sierra Leone.
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REGINA v. LAMIN and T AQI
SuPREME CoURT (Marcus-Jones, J.): January 21st, 1966
(Indictment No. 66/65)
[1] Constitutional Law- fundamental rights- freedom of expression,
newspapers-charges of sedition to be tried with press freedom in
view: In considering whether a newspaper publication on a political
subject is seditious, a court should deal with it in a spirit of freedom
and not with an eye of narrow criticism and should seek to preserve
press freedom while checking its abuse (page 349, lines 29-36).
[2] Criminal Law-sedition-seditious intent-press freedom to be kept
in view: See [1] above.
[3] Criminal Law-sedition-seditious intent-published matter to be
considered as a whole: In considering whether a publication is sedi
tious, a court should look at the published matter as a whole together
with the surrounding circumstances without confining itself to the
matter complained of or allowing itself to be influenced solely by
objectionable language used in particular passages (page 349, lines
23-24; page 350, lines 6-7).
The accused were charged in the Supreme Court with publishing
a seditious publication.
The first accused was the acting editor of a newspaper. The
second accused was a columnist in the newspaper. An article
published in the newspaper criticised government measures and called
for early elections. The information on which the accused were
charged set out a part of the article which suggested that the
government was despotic and the country should be rid of it. The
only method of changing the government suggested in the article
was by calling an early election.
For the Crown, the Attorney-General contended that the writer's
intention was to bring the government into hatred and contempt.
The defence submitted that the article could not be seditious unless
its intention were to cause disorder and was not seditious since
laws could be criticised if oppressive, that the information was bad
for uncertainty and duplicity and that publication by the second
accused was not proved.
Case referred to :
(1) R. v. Wallace-Johnson, [1940] A.C. 231; [1940] 1 All E.R. 241.
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R. v. LAMIN, 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346
S.C.
Statute construed:
Sedition Act (Laws of Sierra Leone, 1960, cap. 29), s.3:
The relevant terms of this section are set out at page 347, line 41-
page 348, line 37.
s.4: The relevant terms of this section are set out at page 347, lines 36-38.
B. Macaulay, Q.C., Att.-Gen., for the Crown;
Smythe for the accused.
MAR:CUS-JONES, J.:
The two accused are charged jointly on two counts of sedition.
The first count charges them with sedition contrary to s.4(1)(c) of the
Sedition Act (cap. 29) in that they on Sunday December 12th, 1965
at Freetown in the Police District of Freetown in the Western Area
of Sierra Leone published a seditious publication contained in the
issue for December 11th, 1965 of a newspaper entitled We Yone
as follows:
"On the face of things it looks like madness or bluff of surpass
ing impudence for the opposition party, whose ranks-according
to the S.L.B.S. and the Daily Mail, the newly acquired govern
ment mouthpiece-are daily being depleted by resignations and
cross-overs to insist on the ruling party redeeming the pledge
of its leader to hold elections early next year. That vaunted
boast uttered by Sir Albert at his Kono Convention even went
further to say that in the matter of the dissolution of Parliament
he would consult with no one.
The present trend of things, the spate of hurriedly enacted
legislation and envisaged punitive measures are all causing the
people of this country the greatest concern. They see tyranny
being rationalised as social progress and enshrined in political
allegory. They are fed up and cry for redemption. They see
that redemption only through the ballot box."
The second count charges sedition contrary to s.4(1)(c) of the same
Act in that the two men had published on Monday December 13th,
1965 a seditious publication in the issue of We Yone newspaper of
December 11th, 1965 and the particulars are the same as in count 1
above.
Section (4)(1)(c) enacts that any person who-"prints, publishes,
sells, offers for sale, distributes or reproduces any seditious publi
cation . . . shall be guilty of an offence." A "seditious publication''
means a publication having a seditious intention and s.3 enacts
that-
"(1) A seditious intention is an intention-
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(i) to bring into hatred or contempt or to excite dis
affection against the person of Her Majesty, Her Heirs or
Successors, or the Government of the Western Area as by
law established; or
(ii) to excite Her Majesty's subjects or inhabitants of the
Western Area to attempt to procure the alteration, other
wise than by lawful means, of any other matter in the
Western Area as by law established; or
(iii) to bring into hatred or contempt or to excite dis
affection against the administration of justice in the Western
Area; or
(iv) to raise discontent or dissaffection amongst Her
Majesty's subjects or inhabitants of the Western Area; or
(v) to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between
different classes of the population of the Western Area.
But an act, speech or publication is not seditious by reason
only that it intends-
(a) to show that Her Majesty has been misled or mis
taken in any of Her Measures; or
(b) to point out errors or defects in the government or
constitution of the Western Area as by law established
or in legislation or in the administration of justice with a
view to the remedying of such errors or defects; or
(c) to persuade Her Majesty's subjects or inhabitants of
the Western Area to attempt to procure by lawful means
the alteration of any matter in the Western Area as by law
established; or
(d) to point out, with a view to their removal, any
matters which are producing or have a tendency to produce
feelings of ill will and enmity between different classes
of the population of the Western Area.
(2) In determining whether the intention with which any
act was done, any words were spoken or any document
was published, was or was not seditious, every person shall
be deemed to intend the consequences which would naturally
follow from his conduct at the time and under the circum
stances in which he so conducted himself."
From the evidence the first accused is acting editor of the We
Y one Press of Sierra Leone, which isc a political party organ of the
A.P.C. The second accused is a columnist of the said paper who
writes the column "Tit-bits."
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R. v. LAMlN, 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346 S.C.
Sedition has been described as a crime against society nearly
allied to that of treason and it frequently precedes treason by a
short interval. It has been said also that there is no offence of
sedition itself but it takes the form of seditious language either
written or spoken. Sedition in itself is a comprehensive term and it
embraces all those practices, whether by word, deed or writing,
which are calculated to disturb the tranquillity of the state and lead
ignorant persons to endeavour to subvert the government and the
laws of the country. The objects of sedition generally being to
induce discontent and stir up opposition to the government, the
very tendency of sedition is to incite people to insurrection and
rebellion. The law considers as seditious all those practices which
have for their object to excite discontent and disaffection, to create
public disturbance or to lead to civil war.
Unlike seditious words which might arise from sudden heat and
be heard only by a few and create no lasting impression and differ
in malignity and permanent effect from writing, seditious writings
are permanent things which when published scatter the poison far
and wide. They are acts of deliberation capable of satisfactory
proof and not ordinarily liable to misconstruction and are submitted
to the judgment of the court naked and undisguised as they came
out of the author's hands.
But in dealing with articles or publications one should not pause at
an objectionable sentence here or a strong word there. It is not merely
strong language, tall language, turgid language or vicious or uncouth
language which should influence the court but the court should
deal with writing or publication in a free, fair and liberal spirit.
This is the spirit in which the jury will be directed to deal with such
writing. They will be directed to recollect that to the publication
of political articles great latitude is given and that in dealing with
public affairs of the day they should deal with such publication in
a spirit of freedom and not with an eye of narrow criticism. And
they will also be directed to look at the whole article and be reminded
that although they are guardians of the liberty of the press they will
check its abuse while preserving its freedom and that this liberty
will suffer no diminution at their hands.
Liberty of the press means complete freedom to write and publish
without censorship or restriction save such as is absolutely necessary
for the preservation of society. When any writing appears to the
jury to exceed these limits it is a seditious libel.
It has been said that a man may publish whatever the jurymen
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of his country think is not blameable, but the judge will advise the
jury that those writings are seditious which are calculated and
intended to excite contempt or hatred of the government or the
administration of the laws or to promote insurrection or create dis
content. Governments may form the subject of criticisms and censure
but corrupt motives are not to be imputed. Juries are to consider
the whole article and the surrounding circumstances. It might be
the duty of the press to call attention to the weakness of the govern
ment when it is done for the public good. It would also be its duty
to complain of a grievance which the public good required to be
removed or ameliorated, though the very assertion of a grievance
creates discontent to a certain extent. It is against this background
of the law that I have to approach this publication which is the
subject-matter of the charges against the accused men.
Mr. Smythe, counsel for the defence, submitted-
(a) that while both accused are charged with publishing a seditious
publication on both counts of the information, in so far as the second
accused is concerned there was no evidence whatsoever that he pub
lished the article;
(b) that the counts were bad for duplicity and uncertainty in
that the words of the section creating the offence were not set out
in the information and that these should have been set out; and
(c) that the article taken as a whole is not seditious since laws
passed by the legislature could be criticised if oppressive. It is the
constitutional right of every citizen to say a law is oppressive.
As regards the question of publication in respect of the second
accused, the learned Attorney-General relied on an admission of the
second accused made in evidence on November 26th, 1965 when
he was charged on another information, No. 66, when in cross
examination he said: "My column in the We Yone is Tit-bits," to
gether with the evidence of the fifth prosecution witness, Alfred
Benjamin Dixon, who deposed in court on January 19th, 1966: "I
see page 2. I see Tit-bits by Ibrahim Taqi. I know him. He is the
second accused in the dock. I know Taqi to be a journalist and that
he writes Tit-bits."
Would this piece of evidence together with the admission of the
second accused on November 26th, 1965 that he is the columnist of
Tit-bits in We Yone be sufficient presumptive evidence of publica
tion ofthe article in the issue of December 11th, 1965? A publication
must be proved. The fact that the second accused writes Tit-bits
does not prove the publication on the lith. A man who writes a
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ll.. v. LAMIN, 1964-66 ALR S.L. 346
S.C.
seditious or defamatory article and sends it to the editor of a news·
paper for publication is liable for such publication. The fact that he
sent it to the editor is sufficient evidence that he authorised or
intended it to be published. The second accused is not the proprietor
of the newspaper. There is no evidence to connect the accused with
the publication of the article beyond the facts in evidence and I
come to the conclusion that these facts are insufficient to establish
publication by the second accused.
I now proceed to the article in question and to discover if taken
as a whole it is a seditious publication published with a seditious
intention with any of the objects stated in s.3(1) (i) to (v) of the Act.
That portion of the article which forms the subject of the charges
read:
"The present trend of things, the spate of hurriedly enacted
legislation and envisaged punitive measures are all causing
the people of this country the greatest concern. They see
tyranny being rationalised as social progress and enshrined
in political allegory. They are fed up and cry for redemption.
They see that redemption possible only through the ballot
box."
The paragraph continued :
"That is why an election influenza seems to be spreading.
The germs have already struck and the contagion is spreading
sure and fast. The question on every lip is when would the
election be? Only one man can answer that and that man is
Sir Albert. But how long more must the people be frustrated?
How long more must they wait to pass a verdict on Sir
Albert's stewardship?"
The prefatory paragraph preceding this, with the heading "Realistic
Politics," reads as follows :
"On the face of things it looks like madness or bluff of
surpassing impudence for the Opposition party whose ranks
according to the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service and the
Daily Mail, the newly acquired government mouthpiece
are daily being depleted by resignations and cross·overs to
insist on the ruling party redeeming the pledge of its leaders
to hold elections early next year. That vaunted boast uttered
by Sir Albert at his Kono Convention even went further to say
that in the matter of the dissolution of Parliament he would
consult with no one."
After this ironical opening all disguise is removed and the writer
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comes straight into the attack on the failure of the Prime Minister
to implement a pledge he made to hold elections early next year.
Reading the article up to the point ending "they [that is, the
people of Sierra Leone] see that redemption possible only through
the ballot box," one would clearly come to the conclusion that here
was a despotic government which the country should be rid of. But
in what manner? According to the writer, through the ballot box.
For this purpose I propose to read the rest of the article before
coming to a conclusion :
"This is how I see the present political atmosphere. But I
doubt whether Sir Albert and his party stalwarts see it in the
same light. As they are gathered in another convention in
Kambia, the third so far this year, I doubt whether they see
the compelling reasons for opening their ears to the siren
song of public opinion and seize the opportunity of the
immediate months ahead to call a general election. True is
it that by law the present Parliament has still another year to
run, but the Sierra Leone People's Party government badly
needs a new lease of life. Should they insist on running their
full term, I cannot predict it will be another year of doing
defensive rather than creative things. Their past four years
have been bedevilled by political unrealism and economic
invalidism. That means that they could achieve no measure
of progress towards a Social Welfare State since many of their
laws inadvertently perhaps tended to produce a new breed of
local capitalists only. The economic base for measured social
advance is becoming more and more insecure.
To the opposition it would be sheer political obtuseness
if it fails to see the psychological importance to itself of Sir
Albert's failure to emerge a real national leader. After twenty
months in office Sir Albert still remains the highly professional
party leader. Every utterance of his is geared only to the
listening pleasure of his party faithfuls and the fanatical ones
only at that. His convention speeches have so far been coloured
with a sectional rather than a national appeal, and I doubt
whether Kambia would be any different. Be that as it may,
let us all hope that at that convention Sir Albert would once
and for all let the nation know what is happening about these
long promised elections."
Both sides have referred me to R. v. Wallace-Johnson (1). The
learned Attorney-General has submitted that the intention of the
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writer as contained in the article is to bring the government into
hatred and contempt. Mr. Smythe, counsel for the defence, has sub
mitted that the article taken as a whole is incapable of bearing that
intention. He contends that the effect must be to cause some disorder
or tumult and that this is far from the case and that by no stretch
of the imagination could we say that the article is seditious. Mr.
Smythe further submitted that the information was bad for duplicity
and uncertainty in that the counts did not allege what seditious
meaning the Crown attributed to the article as was done in the
case of R. v. Wallace-Johnson. This ground will arise after I have
considered the article as to whether or not it was a seditious publi
cation published with a seditious intention.
I find that this is a political article written in a political organ
of a party opposed to the government of the day. Reading that
portion of the article which forms the charge, it comes perilously
near the crime of sedition, but notwithstanding this offending para
graph the article when taken as a whole amounts to nothing more
than an attempt to force the government to call an early election;
no other method is indicated. If the reasons are false, to wit the present
trend of things, the hurriedly enacted legislation and envisaged puni
tive measures causing the people of this country the greatest concern,
these are now punishable under the Public Order Act. Applying the
test which I had outlined earlier on and considering the article as a
whole and the surrounding circumstances, I come to the conclusion
that the article as it stands without more, and notwithstanding its
strong and in some cases sarcastic language, does not have the
tendency to excite ill-will, contempt or hatred or lead ignorant people
to subvert the government or to incite people to insurrection and
rebellion leading to public disturbance.
Reverting to the question of publication in respect of the second
accused, in case my view of the law is wrong, and I do not think so,
sitting as a judge of law and fact I come to the conclusion that the
article as a whole is not a seditious publication published with a
seditious intention and I therefore find the accused not guilty on
each of the two counts of the information.
They are acquitted and discharged.
Accused acquitted and discharged.
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